One of the most popular neoconservative prophecies whenever a government stands up to the US or Israel is the myth of a transition to Western-style democracy. Libya, after the murder of Muammar Gaddafi, which the ICC suggests may have been a war crime, supposedly had a “real shot” at democracy according to Western media outlets like CNN. Over a decade later, the NATO intervention in Libya is almost universally considered a failure. Even President Obama admits his handling of the aftermath of the intervention was the “worst mistake” of his presidency.
Now, after the fall of Bashar al-Assad, Syria has not adopted the ways of the US. Instead, it has transitioned into a U.S.-legitimized authoritarian state under the command of former al-Qaeda leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa. In the new Syria, violence against once-protected minorities has become the norm. Over 1500 Alawites have been murdered by the government and this number will likely rise. In addition, Christians and Druze religious minorities have also been slaughtered. Additionally, women have faced extreme hardship and mistreatment has taken place en masse with women forced into marriage or sold into sexual slavery.
In contrast to the horrific reality of life in Syria, Western media has been filled with puff pieces about how “impressive” al-Sharaa is. One piece of evidence frequently cited by al-Sharaa apologists is the March 10th Agreement in which the U.S.-backed Kurdish rebels of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) would merge forces with the Syrian government in exchange for peace and freedom. In reality, the plan has been violated multiple times by the Syrian government with pro-government militias attacking the SDF. This pattern of broken agreements and sectarian violence sets the stage for Syria’s upcoming elections which are to be held from September 15–20. Despite praise by the UN, the elections are little more than a farce.
The upcoming elections are structured to exclude minorities, consolidate power, and serve Western interests, rather than reflect genuine democracy.
As previously explained, Kurds, Alawites, Druze, and other minority groups have faced hardship, repression, and terror under the new Syrian government. In contrast to the parameters of the March 10th Agreement and promises by al-Sharaa to minorities, many groups will be denied meaningful participation under the parameters of the upcoming electoral system. For starters, the government is delaying elections in the provinces of Sweida, Hasaka, and Raqqa. In Sweida, many Druze have been killed by armed groups affiliated with the government and over 176,000 have been displaced. On the other hand, portions of Hasaka and Raqqa remain under the control of the SDF. The Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES), the governing body of the SDF, has condemned the delay of elections as “an attempt to marginalize and exclude nearly half of Syrians from this process”. The government has provided no timeline for when elections in these areas might take place, and even if elections are eventually held, they are unlikely to be free or fair.
Furthermore, the government has decreed that al-Sharaa will be responsible for directly appointing one-third of the members of the Syrian parliament. al-Sharaa faces almost no limits for whom he can appoint (aside from the requirement that he appoint at least 20% women). The decree merely stipulates that 70% of his appointees must be university graduates and 30% must be “socially influential figures”. The remaining two-thirds of the parliament will be chosen through electoral bodies which al-Sharaa also has great influence over. In short, the electoral system is designed to maintain the status quo and prevent any real challenge to the authority of the current government. Furthermore, al-Sharaa has a habit of appointing his family members with his brothers, cousin, and brother-in-law all in important positions in the government.
Finally is the question of how foreign interference might influence the results of the election. To the north, Turkish-backed rebel groups have occupied Syrian territory in an attempt to fight the SDF. This is because Turkey considers the People’s Protection Units, which are affiliated with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), a terrorist organization. The PKK has violently campaigned for Kurdish independence in Turkey, including acts of terrorism targeting civilians. It is estimated that the PKK has killed about 40,000 people including many innocents throughout its history. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has stated that he believes the recovery of a strong, pro-Turkey Syria under al-Sharaa is in the geopolitical interest of his nation.
The outcome of the election is also of great importance to the U.S. and Israel. David Schenker, who worked for both George W. Bush and Donald Trump, opined that al-Sharaa is “better” than the previous Syrian government, in spite of his brutal oppression of Alawites and Christians, because his rise to power has allowed for Israel to destroy the Syrian Army and its opponents in the Middle East. Many in the upper echelons of U.S. government bureaucracy have breathed a sigh of relief with the New Syrian government which is far too weak and unstable to repel Israel’s illegal land grab of Syrian territory. Israel, which initially pledged to be a “good neighbor” until it launched an illegal invasion of that same neighbor, has, ironically, pledged to defend the Druze minority in Syria while carrying out a genocide against Palestinians. Israel’s seemingly righteous pledge to defend the Druze minority seems more like a justification for imperialistic measures against Syria instead of a genuine interest in preserving religious freedom.
Ultimately, Syria’s upcoming elections have nothing to do with democracy. Instead, they have everything to do with consolidating Ahmed al-Sharaa’s dictatorial power and appearing legitimate on the world stage. Minorities remain oppressed and excluded while foreign powers, with a vested interest in maintaining the status quo, occupy Syrian land. Western media coverage and international praise mask the reality: these elections are a façade, a show for outside observers while ordinary Syrians continue to suffer under authoritarian rule. Far from signaling a democratic transition, this process cements Syria’s oppression and underscores the gap between the West’s narrative of “democracy promotion” and the actual consequences for those living under its shadow.
J.D. Hester is an independent writer born and raised in Arizona. He has previously written for Antiwar.com, Front Porch Republic, and CounterCurrents.org. You can send him an email at josephdhester@gmail.com. Follow him on X @JDH3ster.
